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PostPosted: Tue Sep 27, 2022 12:47 am 
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Apparently this is part of a fringe event at the Labour Party conference :-o

Substitute Uber for Deliveroo, and would anyone notice the difference?

But it's precisely like Uber's PR machine trying to sell their business model as fairness and social justice, or whatever, when in reality it's exploitative working practices scraping along near the bottom of the labour market [-(

Nice pun, though, but for Uber it would presumably be 'Driving' rather than 'Delivering' :)


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PostPosted: Tue Sep 27, 2022 8:46 pm 
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Not sure the word 'progressive' fits in with the words 'gig economy'.

And not sure the so-called worker's party should be entertaining, or be entertained by, firms that use cheap labour with no guaranteed hours or wages.

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PostPosted: Wed Sep 28, 2022 7:02 am 
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Sussex wrote:

And not sure the so-called worker's party should be entertaining, or be entertained by, firms that use cheap labour with no guaranteed hours or wages.

Especially when they want to raise the minimum wage to £15.00 per hour.

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PostPosted: Wed Sep 28, 2022 11:32 pm 
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Apparently labour are far ahead in the polls now so I suppose they are working on getting them onside

They are hedging their bets as it is looking more and more likely Starmer will be the next prime minister unless Truss's gamble pays off

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PostPosted: Thu Sep 29, 2022 3:50 am 
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Yes, 'progressive gig economy' a bit of an oxymoron, or contradiction in terms, sort of thing :-o

Like 'private hire taxi' :roll:

Anyway, for anyone with a spare couple of days, a bit of reading that I came across while trying to find out a bit more about the Deliveroo stuff. And central to it all is the involvement of the GMB in striking a recognition deal with Deliveroo, and the GMB was also involved in the Labour conference event above.

The three articles below are linked as part of a series. The first is from a year ago, and is about the GMB's deal with Uber.

The second is more recent, and looks at the GMB-Uber deal a year on.

The third article is about the GMB's deal with Deliveroo. But the debate in all three articles is very similar, in that the GMB seem to have got their feet under the table in terms of what used to spoken about in terms of 'beer and sandwiches', sort of thing :-o

The IWGB and ADCU, by contrast, favour a more confrontational approach, using direct action and disruption, and taking the gig economy 'platforms' on in the courts.

Anyway, regulars on here will be aware of a lot of this already, so if all this reading looks like a bit of a chore, the second piece on GMB-Uber a year on is probably more worthwhile. And maybe the recent GMB-Deliveroo piece is worth reading for the parallels with Uber and the trade.

But this is all very quote heavy, with very long paragraphs, which makes it a wee bit more difficult to read.

And there's loads of links in the articles, which I haven't included, so if anyone needs any background reading (no, me neither :roll: ), then it might be worth visiting the original articles to see if there are links to source material.


Uber and GMB’s Deal: A New Era for Trade Unionism?

https://www.thesocialreview.co.uk/2021/ ... -unionism/

By Ciaran McGurdy, 1st August 2021

The GMB union’s recognition agreement with Uber is the first of its kind anywhere in the world with the American tech giant. The deal gives GMB access to drivers meeting hubs, the ability to represent drivers if they lose access to the app and entitles GMB to quarterly meetings with Uber to discuss drivers issues and concerns.

On the face of it, it seems like a massive win for the trade union movement, and GMB in particular, succeeding where so many others have failed. It is certainly the opinion of Mick Rix, national officer for GMB. He describes the effort as “giving members who use the Uber app a voice”. Rix, level-headed and deep voiced, went on to sum up the strength of the deal:

“Both parties can now raise issues with each other in a proper representative way … By having that structure, there is that recognition that the views of our union and the views of our members are important. What this means is if the views are very strong, Uber may have to take those views into account and alter their plans accordingly. That would be a recognition that the relationship is meaningful and that the company is moving away from the premise where it was a few years ago where it was known as a disrupter that didn’t care.”

Yet how meaningful Uber’s change has been, or if they have changed at all, is a matter of contention in the industry. Uber’s own white paper titled “A better deal” states that “pushing people towards traditional employment models is not the answer.” This is the company’s global modus operandi. It was accused of using “sneaky tactics” during its victory in the Proposition 22 vote which maintained the classification of its drivers as “independent contractors” in California, selectively interpreting the UK Supreme Court judgement that classified its drivers as “workers” and have sought declaratory relief from the high court that their business model is compliant with Transport for London regulations following comments by Lord Leggat as part of the Supreme Court judgement. This does not paint the image of a company that has moved on from it’s “disruptive” ways, more one that is growing ever more creative in maintaining its predatory business model.

The chief critic of the deal is the trade union Independent Workers of Great Britain, who declined an interview. Nader Awaad, the chair of its United Private Hire Drivers branch gave this comment:

“This recognition deal is a dud that signs away workers’ right to negotiate over pay and is a PR exercise for Uber. Unions should not sign deals which tie their hands behind their backs. Trade union recognition agreements at their best are only useful when backed up by workers and unions who are willing to fight fiercely for their rights. UPHD is the biggest union for Uber drivers in the UK and has been doing just this for years, organising strikes and protests with thousands of drivers taking part, and we will continue to do so until Uber sits down and listens to the concerns of their drivers.”

While not as irreconcilable as the IWGB are towards the deal, James Fararr, General Secretary of the App Drivers and Couriers Union(ADCU) has his own criticisms of the agreement. Created following a split in the IWGB union in 2020, the ADCU welcomed GMB’s recognition agreement saying “Overall, this is a step in the right direction, but there are significant obstacles in the way of ADCU reaching a similar agreement.”

Farrar expands on this, adding that “the ADCU couldn’t sign up to a similar deal because it would mean we accepted negotiating to minimums, not from minimums.” The minimums Farrar mentions are what was ruled on in the Supreme Court victory that classified Uber drivers as “workers”, entitling them to minimum wage, holiday pay and pensions. Uber’s interpretation of how that minimum wage is paid is that drivers are only entitled to it “after accepting a trip request.” This means drivers would only be entitled to a minimum wage while on a fare, rather than when they’re logged into the app. This has become a sharp dividing line between the ADCU and Uber.

To Farrar, continuing to use legal challenges as a tool against Uber that should not be ruled out, he explains: “Winning a unanimous verdict on the Supreme Court case proves that it’s not a problem of employment law struggling to catch up with the speed of change in the jobs market, just Uber selectively interpreting rulings that go against them.”

GMB seem to believe the new relationship they have forged via their recognition agreement represents a more productive avenue for future victories for their members than via the courts. Even despite the fact GMB have previously fought and won big against Uber, as seen in February’s Supreme Court victory. Rix explains “We get there is an issue around the Supreme Court ruling and around [working] time, we’re not in agreement with Uber about that. The agreement is about giving members a voice… It shouldn’t be down to the courts to rule on this, there is an absence of key legislation around these issues.”

Rix is pointed in his criticism of those that would decry the deal as a sweetheart agreement. “If people have made comments in some respects, saying ‘it’s a sweetheart agreement’, I smile at that because we must have tens of thousands of agreements with companies like other trade unions. We must all have ‘sweetheart agreements’, the essence is having a relationship”

The philosophical differences between GMB and the ADCU are clear. Where GMB believe giving members a voice is paramount and the problem chiefly lies in gaps in legislation, the ADCU believe the problem lies solely with Uber. As Farrar explains:

“Uber might think they’ve shot the fox with this deal and if that’s how they are thinking, they’re misguided. This isn’t really about inter union politics and institution building. It’s about solving problems for workers. As long as there are problems to solve there is energy in organising and right now the ADCU is more energetic than ever before. Uber needs to stop spinning this and start addressing the problems workers have or the recognition agreement will be worth little to Uber, the GMB or the workforce.”

Both Rix and Farrar say June was a great month in terms of recruiting new members and both say they are open to the possibility of working together in the future. However, the strength of the GMB deal will eventually be tested. This could come about if Uber prevails in winning declaratory relief from the high court that their business model is in fact compliant with TfL regulations. GMB believes that their deal makes it easier to build on the hard won court victories that have thus far secured drivers “worker” status, entitling drivers to minimum wage, holiday pay and pensions.

In a landscape where private sector trade union membership is in decline, the different approaches of both unions are not necessarily in opposition – and against a much more powerful and shrewd opponent, both unions are attempting to get the best deal for their members.

Time will tell if GMB’s deal can really work, Uber is still pursuing a global strategy of giving with one hand and taking with the other, as seen with Proposition 22. Giving GMB members a voice within the company will only work if Uber is willing to change and act, not just listen.


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PostPosted: Thu Sep 29, 2022 3:51 am 
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Uber-GMB Deal: One Year On, Has Uber Changed?

https://www.thesocialreview.co.uk/2022/ ... r-changed/

By Ciaran McGurdy, 31st July 2022

One year on from the Uber-GMB deal, Uber has again hit the headlines via the Uber Files, they detail Uber’s law breaking, clandestine government lobbying, and unethical business practices. The recognition agreement between Uber and GMB, signed last year gave GMB access to drivers’ “Greenlight hubs” – where every new Uber driver must go to have their picture taken and activate their account. It also offered GMB the ability to represent drivers if they lose access to the app (and in sickness or disciplinary meetings), and entitles GMB to quarterly meetings with Uber to discuss drivers issues and concerns.

Mick Rix, National Officer for the GMB union (speaking before the publication of the Uber Files) struck a diplomatic tone on the question of whether or not the company had changed in the wake of the Supreme Court ruling that saw Uber drivers attain “worker” status and subsequent recognition agreement with GMB last year:

"I would say they are changing, at the end of the day, they are a company that’s in business to make money. We’re a conscience of the workforce, we’re trying to articulate drivers’ feelings to the company and get them to take into account the issues that drivers are raising – that sometimes they’re making drivers jobs more difficult – like with suspensions and deactivations. Uber has taken people on who look at these complaints and we’ve managed to forward drivers names from the past who were deactivated but have actually got good records and we’ve got them reinstated. Where there’s areas of good collaboration, I think the company is listening more and putting those changes in place. That doesn’t mean to say that we agree on everything because obviously we don’t sometimes – we have different agendas – but it’s how we handle those disagreements, how do we handle those areas where there is agreement, and how do we get those [reforms] implemented as quickly as possible."

James Farrar, General Secretary of the App Drivers and Couriers Union (ADCU) who went on strike in response to the Uber files, had a different perspective saying:

"One year on I would say, well, Uber still has not complied with the court ruling to pay working time, from log on to log off, so we’re still missing a big chunk of our working time. And also, in setting a baseline of costs in order to calculate the minimum wage, Uber took it upon itself to set that at 45p a mile – the HMRC rate – we don’t agree with that. But even if it was agreeable a year ago, well it’s worth 40% less today because of fuel prices – there’s been no adjustment, nothing."

James Vail, Head of Communications for the IWGB was equally critical, saying:

"Uber drivers are particularly vulnerable to inflationary pressures, such as the rising cost of fuel. With the crisis hitting an all time high, the GMB deal has done nothing to improve pay."

How much Uber has changed remains to be seen, Uber defended itself from the charges laid out in the Uber Files saying:

"We’ve moved from an era of confrontation to one of collaboration, demonstrating a willingness to come to the table and find common ground with our former opponents…In the UK, Uber is the only platform that treats drivers as ‘workers’, with a guaranteed national living wage, holiday pay, and pension."

Omitted from this defence is the fact that these benefits were not simply handed down from above by Uber, but resisted all the way to the Supreme Court, who ruled against Uber in granting them. Uber’s own white paper, titled ‘A Better Deal’ of February last year (and published just before the Supreme Court ruling) stated that “Pushing people towards traditional employment models is not the answer.” When precisely this apparent change in Uber’s outlook actually occurred is unclear, but their claims to have changed on the basis of a Supreme Court ruling that went against them (and which they selectively implemented) is much like listing court-ordered community service on a CV as “volunteering”.

In an era of consistent private sector trade union membership decline, the gig economy has long seemed like an insurmountable frontier without significant intervention via government legislation. Membership density across all unions has remained low, relative to the number of workers in the gig economy, unions like the ADCU, IWGB, and GMB have attempted to buck this trend. The IWGB were adamant that the Uber-GMB deal has not affected their organising efforts in the year since it was struck, with the IWGB’s Vail saying:

"The GMB deal was designed by Uber bosses to confuse drivers as to what union to join and stifle our organising. Rather than an agreement that will benefit the workers and give them power in the workplace, it appears to be another PR move by Uber to give the impression they are engaging with workers while they are just as exploitative as ever. Despite this, we haven’t seen any change in our organisation progress; we remain committed to being a worker-led union and organising at the grassroots level and have still seen a steady increase in membership since the deal. New leaders are coming through the ranks to lead campaigns and inspire others."

Farrar said that rather than the GMB deal making organising harder, a boom in the industry has meant substantial growth in membership for the ADCU:

"Transport for London have been, in a way, one of our biggest recruitment sergeants, because when a driver is deactivated or dismissed it’s required that that is reported to TfL, and those numbers have skyrocketed in the last few years – in 2018 it was about 390, say there’s 100,000 drivers in London, say about 60,000 are working at any one time – in 2020 that had gone up to 4,500, in 2021 it was 10,600. It just exploded, TfL is doing fitness reviews on these guys, they come to us and we do the casework. And as a result of the way we do it, we’ve won some real changes. For example, we got TfL to stop automatically revoking drivers based on surveillance data bullshit from Uber, and we’ve got TfL drilling into Uber for more data and more investigations than they ever did before. So that servicing works, and the truth of it is you do one of those cases you get 10 members off the back of it."

Rix was keen to trumpet the benefits available to GMB members by the deal, the GMB’s campaigning, and praised the neutrality of Uber towards GMB’s organising efforts:

"We’ve represented in excess of 500 drivers that were either suspended or deactivated from the Uber app, because of our representations around 92% of those drivers have been restored to working on the app, and are earning money, whereas before they had no representation at all, so I think from an in-work security angle – in a very precarious sector – we’ve added a lot more in-work security to Uber drivers. We’ve also pushed around areas on pension reform, pensions to be brought in for drivers – that’s a contributory scheme from the employer. Plus, because of our wins, we’ve also seen Uber drivers have received around a 12.04% increase [in pay] because of the holiday pay that’s in place, and of course the protections around the living wage that we’ve put in place have created benefits as well for drivers. We’re raising the issue of excess inflation that’s causing pressures for drivers – we’re meeting with the company on that. We’re also meeting on a zero tolerance campaign – to be jointly entered into… To say that thousands of drivers have joined the union is an understatement, Uber has made it quite clear that they recognise us. Their communications have actually been quite good. Very neutral, basically saying we recognise the GMB…they even point drivers in our direction. And where drivers are having trouble on certain things, the personnel that are in the Greenlight Hubs are saying “Get a hold of your GMB rep, they may be able to do something about this.” There’s a lot of good stuff going on, no animosity, the relationship on the ground seems fairly positive."

The Uber Files laid bare the illegal and unethical behaviour of Uber, but were not exactly a surprise for anyone with even a remote understanding of the gig economy. What Uber gets out of the GMB deal is clear; having got their feet in the doors of national economies via predatory, nefarious, and often illegal means, sanitising their image is important.

GMB were recently criticised for running an advertorial in the New Statesman in association with Uber, but GMB’s position has remained consistent since they struck the deal, banking on their more congenial approach yielding more drivers signing up and a greater chance of negotiating benefits on behalf of their members than continuing to pursue Uber in the courts. GMB will not just be judged on their deal with Uber, but their recently signed agreement with Deliveroo (which will be covered in greater detail in the second part of this report). Both represent a concerted strategy on the part of GMB to gain a foothold in the gig economy and buck the trend of declining private sector union membership.

Despite their protestations, Uber is still following the same international strategy of giving with one hand and taking with the other, trumpeting their drivers’ worker status in the UK as proof of their change of ways since 2017, while fighting tooth and nail in the courts to resist such a change being imposed on them in other countries. Uber does not seem like a company that has changed their predatory ways, merely one that’s becoming more and more adept at looking less “f—ing illegal”.


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PostPosted: Thu Sep 29, 2022 3:52 am 
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Deliveroo-GMB Deal: A Closer Look

https://www.thesocialreview.co.uk/2022/ ... oser-look/

By Ciaran McGurdy, 7th August 2022

Deliveroo’s position in the gig economy is quite predictable, primarily in the sense that they are in danger of becoming a company that risks burning very brightly but not for very long. Deliveroo is much less financially secure than companies such as Uber, and has spent the last two years drifting from crisis to crisis. After being caught off guard by Covid lockdowns, they were forced to plead to the Competition and Markets Authority to allow Amazon to take a 16 percent stake to the tune of £575 million. This move had previously been blocked before the company revealed that without said investment it would go bust.

After this Deliveroo lost more than a quarter of its market value when they went public, with their Initial Public Offering being dubbed the “worst in London’s history“. With draft EU legislation that means all of their workers on the continent could be reclassified as employees rather than self-employed independent contractors, and their recent cut to their forecasted sales, Deliveroo’s position in the global economy is looking precarious.

For Deliveroo riders in the UK little schadenfreude can be found in the flailing moves of executives, nor can they find hope from changing laws on the continent. The Court of Appeal ruled against the IWGB union in confirming Deliveroo riders’ self-employed status last year. The result of this was that things like riders’ sick pay and maternity leave remain covered only as much as Deliveroo wishes – with the former being £35 a day for up to 15 days (compared to Statutory Sick Pay which lasts for 28 weeks), and the latter being a one-off payment of £1000 (as opposed to Statutory Maternity Pay at £156.66, which lasts for 39 weeks).

Trade unions in the private sector have been struggling to recruit new members for some time. Overall union membership has risen for all but one of the last five years. In the private sector however a steady decline means it now stands at ten percent – its lowest level since 2011. The implications of this are clear. A report from The Resolution Foundation found that in 2021, only three percent of workers in the private sector had their wages set at the national or industry level. In the public sector, the figure was sixty-seven percent.

In this context GMB’s recognition agreement with Deliveroo, signed in May this year, differs massively from its recognition agreement with Uber. Instead of coming after a Supreme Court ruling that guarantees worker status for its riders, the deal was signed while the IWGB pursues a similar application on that very matter. Like the Uber deal, the announcement of the recognition was met with fury by the IWGB, denouncing it as “union-busting”, and a “cynical PR move”.

The first and immediate consequence of the Deliveroo-GMB recognition agreement is that the IWGB are locked out of the main element of their Supreme Court case – to gain statutory recognition from the Central Arbitration Committee (the governing body which oversees the regulation of labour law relating to collective bargaining and trade union recognition). Alan Bogg, Professor of Labour Law at Bristol University, explains:

"If the Deliveroo-GMB deal is a voluntary recognition deal covering “workers”, the IWGB cannot then access the statutory recognition procedure where there is a voluntary agreement in place with another union. If the IWGB denies it is a relevant voluntary agreement because it doesn’t cover “workers” (following the description in the GMB collective agreement), then the IWGB can’t access statutory recognition anyway because it only covers “workers”. It’s a legal catch 22."

The IWGB said their legal team states this won’t affect their case. They’re right in that the merits of the rest of the case, such as worker status for Deliveroo riders, will be judged separately. However, the issue that ultimately meant riders were not granted worker status at the Court of Appeal and cases prior was that of “substitution”. Riders were told just weeks before the initial hearing in 2017 that their contracts had been amended to give them “The ability to appoint another person to work on your behalf with Deliveroo at any time”, as well as being told they could work for other firms while still working for Deliveroo. GMB say it was this issue which stopped them from pursuing Deliveroo in the courts, their National Officer Mick Rix explains:

"Our lawyers looked at that four and a half years ago, these were the same lawyers that ran the Uber case for us – they told us then, “Do not touch this with a barge pole, you will lose.” The reason why, and we tested it, is we had members who had the unfettered right to substitute their work, where the laws let these workers down is it prevents these companies from providing benefits equal to “worker” status. The whole thing does need looking at, but if you compare it to Uber drivers have kept their self employment tax status, but they won benefits that self-employed are entitled to. And that’s what we would like to see rolled out to everybody else. We would like to see minimum guarantees for self-employed people. So if you ever have a pandemic again there are things in place for these people, and if they’re doing work for large companies and there’s a lot of work taking place, they can enjoy the benefits that that company can provide. That’s what we’re arguing for, that’s what our members are telling us “Get us these rights”, and that’s what we’re trying to do."

James Vail, Head of Communications for the IWGB shares the GMB’s view on the need for legislation, but questioned how the Deliveroo-GMB deal was struck:

"We agree that there could be stronger legislation around the gig economy, but the legal infrastructure does exist. Companies exploit loopholes to deny workers the rights they deserve. Due to the lack of an employment enforcement body in the UK, it is left to unions like the IWGB to win worker status cases in the courts and then organise workplaces to ensure the ruling is implemented across the workforce. What is concerning about the Deliveroo-GMB deal is it appears that GMB have signed off on denying workers’ certain rights that are still being disputed in the courts. It is the reality of a working relationship that determines what rights workers should have, not backroom deals by people who either have no mandate or do not have the workers best interest at heart. On top of this, the deal does not cover things unaffected by legislation. Particularly, the deal does not address the fact that pay covers (rising) fuel and vehicle costs nor problems associated with over-hiring."

GMB shares the IWGB’s view on the lack of a government enforcement body being an issue, but Rix said “The only enforcer of rights for working people is an independent, affiliated trade union”. Neither GMB or the IWGB claim to have high membership density relative to the overall number of Deliveroo riders.

The GMB say that their deal means they’ll now negotiate on behalf of 90,000 riders and other organisations who represent less than 1 percent of that figure are therefore unrepresentative. The IWGB say the 90,000 figure is misleading due to inactive or infrequent Deliveroo accounts, and that non-union members always make up a big portion of their campaigns. The IWGB also added that none of their members have met a food delivery courier who is a member of GMB on the road. The GMB say they have been organising with Deliveroo riders for 4 years.

What matters in the here and now, however, is what each union can deliver for their members. On what day-to-day benefits Deliveroo riders will get as part of the GMB deal, Rix said:

"They will get 24-hour, 7-day a week representation and cover. They will also get some self-employed benefits, access to services that we’ve got, access to education and training facilities. They will be able to articulate, take part in training schemes and the like. They will be able to feed into an organisation and a body of representatives and a network of representatives that will be able to raise issues on their behalf with the company at a very senior level. So actually, the riders’ views will end up on the boardroom table. They will end up being discussed by senior people within the union and the representative body, and the directors of the company. That is what we’re guaranteeing riders – that their views and their voices will be heard."

On the same question, Vail said:

"The IWGB began organising with Deliveroo couriers in 2016, and has been a leading voice in exposing and campaigning against the company’s exploitation of couriers. In 2021, the IWGB organised international protests during the firm’s Initial Public Offering. Following public pressure from IWGB campaigns, deliveroo has been forced to introduce sickness insurance, parental pay, access to toilets for riders, reduced waiting times at restaurants, pay boosts and recruitment freezes… Due to the basic employment rights Deliveroo denies its workforce, we are unable to offer representation for workers for some workplace issues e.g. in a disciplinary. This is also because workers at Deliveroo are denied the right to a fair appeals process and regularly unfairly lose their jobs at the click of the button. This has not prevented us supporting workers in these situations and managing to get workers’ accounts back. Despite the successes we have in this area, the IWGB has always had a focus on workplace organising and building power and that is where a lot of our resources are spent. We help workers get organised locally and to understand their collective power. Using various organising techniques we build union density of militant workers who are ready to fight for change. On a more localised level we have seen victories over issues such as waiting times, toilet access, parking issues and better treatment. We have recently organised Dalston delivery drivers around poor treatment at Wingstop, and have won better conditions including facilities usage and a waiting area for them at that restaurant. On a larger scale pressure from the IWGB has led to workers being able to reject jobs and have access to sick pay and parental leave amongst other things. We also run anti-raids training for migrant delivery drivers, as well as events such as our bike tune up sessions."

GMB’s gig economy strategy banks on the bubble not bursting before they have built membership density via recognition agreements with companies who have either only just begun turning profits, or are still relying on investors to cover their losses. The very nature of the GMB’s recognition agreements involves staking their reputation on the idea that companies like Deliveroo and Uber are no longer the uncaring exploiters they once were. With the Deliveroo deal the fact that GMB secured collective bargaining on pay as part of the deal (rather than just the “consultation” on pay secured in their deal with Uber) is something GMB will point to along with the recognition agreement itself as proof positive of the change in attitude in companies like Deliveroo. Rix was keen to stress that Deliveroo made no issue of collective bargaining on pay and agreed to it from day one of negotiations with GMB.

James Farrar, General Secretary of the App Drivers and Couriers Union, has fundamental disagreements with both the GMB’s and IWGB’s respective strategies:

"The asymmetry of power between workers and global platforms is obvious and the recent Uber files disclosures laid bare just how ruthlessly platform employers are prepared to behave to achieve rapid scale early on. They bet that rapid growth to scale puts them beyond reach of regulatory supervision and the collective organising power of workers. Now at scale, the platforms have endless flexibility to change their business model to further frustrate these same balancing & corrective forces and maintain the asymmetry. When it comes to Deliveroo, unions cannot afford to play the long game as the GMB appear to be doing or lose short term focus in the way IWGB appears to have done. The organising strategy needs to be strategic and intense to build long term power and take short term leverage. Unions need to be as agile in their organising as these platforms have been in their development."

The GMB’s Rix says recognition agreements like theirs are essential for trade unions to remain relevant in a rapidly changing gig economy:

"The fact of the matter is, we’ve now secured three collective bargaining agreements, with three companies [Uber, Hermes, and Deliveroo] in their field that covers 200,000 people. We’re also in discussions with two or three other companies as well… If you look just over three years ago, a million and a half people were involved in the gig economy, now it’s over five million. This is not slowing down, it’s growing. The issue is the vast majority of people are paid by piece, they’re paid by task. Now we can’t stop that, but what we can do is make it fairer – and we can make it far more secure… These jobs will change in years to come, as competition takes place. Uber 10 years ago were viewed as the new kids on the block, now there’s loads of companies that are using their technology. Whether we like it or not, this will bring a situation around where companies are going to be vying for workers. And that is how supply and demand pushes up earnings."

The IWGB’s Vail disagrees and says gig economy companies like Uber and Deliveroo are denying their workers a voice:

"Recognition agreements are meaningless unless they are backed up with an organised workforce who are willing to take action if conditions do not improve and evidence of this can be seen in this deal and the other deals GMB have made. It seems that companies like Uber and Deliveroo will do everything they can to deny their workers a voice and that is why it is so important that the IWGB continues to speak a language they are forced to listen to – direct action!"

Paul Nowak, who was recently announced as the next General Secretary of the Trades Union Congress and is currently Deputy General Secretary, outlined the importance of recognition agreements and stressed the need for unions to be flexible in their organising strategies:

"It’s about picking the right organising tool for each employer that you’re dealing with. In some cases it’s going to be a very straightforward organising campaign. Actually, I think from a union perspective, no one’s written a rulebook on organising in the platform economy. You’ve got to be flexible, you’ve got to adapt, and you’ve got to think about what’s going to work for the people you’re trying to represent. And what’s going to work for the employer, because at the end of the day you’ve got to sit down and negotiate things like pay with the employer. There’s always two parties to any agreement. I’m convinced Deliveroo will not be getting an easy ride from the GMB in any sense. Frankly, I want to see more agreements, more of our unions signing agreements across the platform economy. When I started in the trade union movement there was no such thing as a platform employer, people who delivered parcels were directly employed by the company that employed them. They were given a uniform and a van, they had all the benefits of working directly for their employer. Unfortunately we’ve seen this outbreak of kind of wild west style employment arrangements, not just in parcel delivery but across logistics and other parts of the economy. Unions have to respond to that change in the world of work and find a way of representing people effectively. I think the Deliveroo deal gives GMB the opportunity to get its foot in the door to represent people and get them into the union and that’s got to be a good thing from my perspective."

Despite the philosophical differences between established TUC unions and newer non-TUC unions, their approaches aren’t necessarily in opposition. The dire state of private sector union membership proves this, with the gig economy being the harshest terrain for trade unions. Bucking this trend against companies who freely ignore court rulings that go against them seems like an impossible task. And while the IWGB may feel aggrieved at the GMB striking the agreement with Deliveroo – these kinds of disputes aren’t unheard of even between TUC affiliated unions.

The Deliveroo-GMB deal starts in September. How quickly GMB builds up membership density amongst riders and secures pay increases via collective bargaining will ultimately be what this agreement is judged by. If GMB’s long march fails to pick up steam, riders will be depending on the IWGB prevailing in the Supreme Court in winning worker status – and the benefits that come with it.

But such a victory, or any GMB-led attempted pay bargaining or conditions consultation would be weighed against Deliveroo’s financially weak position. Such weakness will likely serve to further its resolve to resist changes to its business model. This was demonstrated recently in France (where riders are considered workers and as such are entitled to basic employment rights) where Deliveroo were fined €375,000 after a court found it guilty of improperly treating its delivery workers as independent contractors. Despite their recognition agreements with GMB, both Uber and Deliveroo are giving with one hand and taking with the other, it’s just Deliveroo’s more precarious financial position means they’re inclined to give less and take more.


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PostPosted: Thu Sep 29, 2022 8:55 pm 
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Joined: Wed Sep 03, 2003 7:30 pm
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Location: 1066 Country
It's all about numbers for the GMB, or subscriptions to be precise.

Will they do a better job than the likes of the non-union representatives, well I'm not sure.

That said if I was a PH driver in London earning good money, I might consider being part of both gangs.

But I'm not, and my union days have long gone. Never to return. [-X

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